At the beginning of 1988 the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia, two states in the
Transcaucasus, over the area called Nagorno-Karabakh broke out. As a result of this conflict
Azerbaijan lost 20% of its territories and numerous violations of human rights and ethnic
cleansing took place on the territories taken over by Armenian aggressors. At the very beginning
Major Powers in the international politics were deceived by the fact that the conflict was carrying
internal character. In fact, more thorough examination of conflict details points out to the fact
that the reality was distorted, and there is little doubt that it was done deliberately. As an
outcome of it the Major Powers were prevented from getting a clear picture of what was
happening and recognize this war as an attempt to alter internationally recognized borders by
means of force. Before getting down to the discussion of the legal aspects of this conflict and
ways of its solution I would like to provide a short historical background of the area which is
being argued upon.
After unification with the Soviet Union in 1920-1921 the borders between transcaucasian
republics were not outlined immediately and one of the reasons for this was a problem of
drawing frontiers between Armenia and Azerbaijan in the area of Nagorno-Karabakh and
Nakhichivan. During the next a couple of years Armenia and Azerbaijan were politically
struggling on the question of status of Karabakh and Nahkichevan within the Soviet Union. At
first this land was favored to Armenia according to the decision of the revolutionary committee
of Soviet Azerbaijan in December of 1920, which was issued under the Soviet pressure. On the
second of December when this decision was about to be made public, it met strong opposition
from the side of Azerbaijani leader Nariman Narimanov and the deployment of the act was
seized. After signing Turko-Russian friendship treaty on the 16th of March 1921, which stipulated
retaining of both regions under the control of Azerbaijani Soviet Republic, Nakhichevan
acquired the status of autonomous republic (NASSR) while Nagorno-Karabakh was granted the
status of autonomous oblast( region) only. One of the reasons for Stalin’s concessivness to the
Turkish Republic is that bolsheviks were positively inclined to Kemal Ataturk, who was
potential ally in the view of Moscow, since movements in both countries had the same features
of such as; getting rid of old regimes and fighting Western Powers, especially Britain. Another
reason according to which Soviets favored Azerbaijan over Armenia was the way how Bolshevik
ideology was received in the Caucasus. The industrial workers of Baku were more committed to
the ideas of bolsheviks than Party of Dashnak Tsutun who were loyal supporters of Tsarist
regime.
Eventually the issue of Nagorno-Karabakh was settled in the 1822 when at one of the
Kavburo meetings (Kavburo-Caucasian section of the communist party) they were discussing the
status of NKAO within the Azerbaijani SSR. According to the decree released on the 7th of July
1923 it was given the status of Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast ( region). The capital of
the NKAO was moved from Shusha to Khankendi which later on was renamed Stepanakert after
Stepan Shaumian, Armenian bolshevik. Though the issue was solved in favor of Azerbaijan,
Armenian aggressors did not give up the idea of taking NKAO away from Azerbaijan, and their
actions were always targeted towards achieving this aim. Their dormant dreams surfaced in the
1987 with Mikhail Gorbochov’s coming to the power in USSR and his twin policies of Gastnost
and Perestroyka. Armenians started to claim the cesession of NKAO from Azerbaijan stipulating
this claim by the right of a nation to self-determination. In August of 1987 the issue came to the
point when the Academy of sciences of Armenia prepared a petition with hundreds of signatures
on it to be sent to the Supreme Soviet of the Union with request to put not only NKAO but also
Nakhichevan, where according to the latest census 97% of the population were Azeris, under
jurisdiction of the Armenian SSR.(1) Still it remains unclear how could they claim cessecion of
the territory which even does not have common borders with Armenia. This means that from the
very beginning that claim was contradicting the constitution of the Soviet Union article 78
(integrity of the sovereign state) and implied intervention and conquer of the indigenous Azeri
lands. The culmination of all the events connected with the cesession claims was the official
request of NKAO officials to Moscow authorities to put the above mentioned territories under
the jurisdiction of Armenian SSR in the February of 1988. From that moment on rights of Azeris
living in the territory of Armenia started to be violated and oppressed. Actions of ethnic
cleansing were systematic and thorough in Armenia, which means prepared beforehand. In 1988
first wave of refugees reached boarders of Azerbaijan. The first portion of refugees was settled in
the Sumgait, industrial city of Azerbaijan located near Baku.
As the actual power in both republics was concentrated in the hands of national
movements such as APF(Azerbaijani Popular Front) in Azerbaijan and ANM(Armenian National
Movement) in Armenia, which were strongly committed to their view point not leaving any room
for compromise, military solution of the conflict seemed to be very possible. In the December of
the 1989 the Supreme Soviet of Armenian SSR passed a resolution main idea of which was
incorporation of NKAO into the Armenian SSR, which was contradicting all legalities. A bit
after NKAO Soviet of people’s deputies pass an act for secession from Azerbaijan. I understand
this succession as NKAO was being driven politically by Yerevan and all statements concerning
the status of the war as being internal conflict are invalid. In reply to these illegal acts the
supreme Soviet of Azerbaijan Republic reduced the status of NKAO to ordinary district of the
republic. Meanwhile the escalation of the conflict and increasing of the number of paramilitary
units was continuing. Armenians were funneling military equipment and weapons to NKAO
envisioning the military solution of the conflict. Observers have noted how planes loaded with
military equipment, coming from Beirut, landed in Yerevan and then transported to Karabakh.(2)
By June 1991 the quantity of the casualties were estimated at the number of 816 and from that
point on the aggressor started process of military take over. At the time when military actions
began Azerbaijan had poorly organized army, which at the same time was equipped two or three
times worse than army of the enemy. Moreover paramilitary units of Americans were also
supported by Russians. After the demise of the USSR and acquiring the independence,
Azerbaijan was the only republic which refused to become a member of another Union called
CIS (Common wealth of Independent States). At that time the President of Azerbaijan Republic
was the candidate from the APF Abulfaz Elchibey. Russia was trying to get Azerbaijan back to
the sphere of its economic and security influence and the best way for that was helping Armenia
in its conflict with Azerbaijan since Russia could not overtly post its military units on the
territory of independent Azerbaijan without mutual agreement. Up till now Azerbaijan remains
the only state in CIS that does not have Russian military bases. Helping Armenia in the
aggressive war against Azerbaijan was not the only way of exerting pressure on Azerbaijan
deployed by Russia. In 1994 government of Azerbaijan in cooperation with State Oil Company
(SOCAR) have signed a long term contract with a number of Western Oil Companies on
elaboration of deep water oil field “Chirag” which has tremendous supply of oil, for at least next
twenty five years. To show its dissatisfaction with the estrangement of Azerbaijan farther and
farther to the west the Minister of foreign affairs of Russia Andrey Kozarev stated that Russia did
not recognize this contract as a legal one until the legal status of the Caspian sea was determined.
The fact that Russia raised the question of legal status of the Caspian sea serves as an obvious
evidence that it did not want to loose its grip over Azerbaijan, which in fact it had already lost
not a long time before, and wanted to bring back its previous position on the Caucasus. Despite
the fact that Russia deployed so many political and military tricks in order to exert pressure and
influence on Azerbaijan and seize the estrangement Azerbaijan managed to resist it though at the
expense of the lands which were lost during the war. As it was mentioned above Azerbaijan lost
of about 20% of its territory. There is little doubt that Russia was on the side of Armenia in this
aggressive war against Azerbaijan and the reason behind that, as I have already mentioned above,
was Russia’s desire to reacquire its former status in the Transcaucasus and as Azerbaijan was the
only state to resist this attempt of political subjugation it was subjected to vicarious pressure.
Besides Russia’s help in this conflict Armenia was getting and continues to get support from
another major power USA, which policy towards this conflict was heavily influenced by its
domestic politics, in other words by powerful Armenian lobby in the US Congress. A good
evidence for this statement would be the Freedom Support Act 907a which was passed by the Us
Congress in 1992. According to this Act Azerbaijan was deprived of all kinds of US
governmental aid unless it “ respects international human rights standards, abandons its blockade
of Armenia, ceases its use of force against Armenia and NKAO and searches a peaceful solution
to the conflict”- text of the Act. Azerbaijan was the only State out of all CIS to be denied US aid
at that time. Though after Clinton’s coming to the power restrictions on aid to Azerbaijan were
relented by H.R. 3765 bill, which faced a furious opposition on the part of pro-Armenian
representatives. From the example given bellow one can understand how deeply the policy
makers in the US were misled by the Armenian lobby on the issue of NKAO.
“I strongly argue that you [Rep. Hamilton, chairman of the House Committee
on
Foreign Affairs] retain the prohibition on American assistance to Azerbaijan
until
Azerbaijani
troops cease their occupation of NKAO and stop their aggressive actions
against
the republic of Armenia ( Statement by Rep. Dick Swett, (D) New
Hampshire).”(3)
But in fact at that time Azerbaijan was not occupying NKAO, on the contrary NKAO and
surrounding territories belonging to Azerbaijan were under aggressive grip of Armenia.
While Armenia was receiving military and political support from two major Powers ( USA and
Russia) Azerbaijan was left on its own and the only State which stood up to defend Azerbaijan at
least verbally was Turkey. But since Turkey was also dependent on USA it could not pursue
policy very much different from that of US. This way Azerbaijan was left alone ,as I mentioned
above, to face the enemy which was getting considerable support from the near abroad( Russia)
and from overseas (USA).
In general the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia represents a very interesting case
in the field of international law and international relations where the issue of integrity
of internationally recognized borders versus right of people on self-determination. In this case
the violation of the borders of the sovereign State is obvious and does not need any proof but
the fact wether the Armenians living in NKAO can be granted the term of people can be argued.
Armenians living there can not be called people since
they have their Motherland in Armenia.
In
other words the Armenian population of NKAO is, in legal
terms, “national minority”
inhibiting
the territory of different State. According to the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights (ICCPR) article 27 “ national minorities should not be denied the right to enjoy their
common culture, profess their own religion or to use their own language.” Concerning the
question of self-determination of national minorities the same covenant states that “they have
right for internal self-determination which enables them to participate in the political life of the
country in which they live, pursue their economic, social and cultural development through its
deputies in the legislature ( Parliament of the country).” Self-determination for national
minority does not necessarily mean secession. One of the resolutions of UN on this issue states
the following:
“Nothing in the foregoing paragraphs concerning the principle of equal rights
and self-
determination of people shall be constructed as authorizing or encouraging any
action
which would
dismember or impair the territorial integrity of sovereign and
independent
states.”(4)
This conflict also can be analyzed from three different legal view points which are the
Constitution of former USSR, treaty of CIS and finally view points based on International Law.
Armenia violated the constitution of the USSR by passing the resolution on integration of
NKAO with Armenia which was issued on December 1, 1989. This decision can be considered
illegal twice since it went against the decision of the Presidium of the USSR which was made
on the July 18th 1988 and was confirming the status of NKAO as an autonomous region within
Azerbaijan. This decision of Armenia to make NKAO its integral part binds it as an illegal
party to the conflict. Although Armenia claims to be absolutely neutral in this conflict and says
that it does not have any influence over the leadership of NKAO except for “friendly advice”
the above mentioned decision and the fact that the Parliament of the Republic of Armenia has
representative deputies from NKAO serves as obvious evidence to prove the contrary.
Secondly Armenia and Azerbaijan are members of the CIS (Commonwealth of Independent
States). One of the major principles of the treaty is the inviolability of the frontiers of the
constituent parts but the Population of NKAO held a referendum and after declaration of
independence they applied to the Commonwealth for membership as an “independent state”.
None of the CIS members recognized NKAO as an entity.
Armenia did not recognize NKAO as
an independent State either. In terms of international law the distinction between refugees and
internally displaced persons might be a very serious concern. If we speak about refugees, then it
means that people were expelled from a country which is not their motherland and that is
already international conflict and international community is bound to intervene at least with
humanitarian aid, but if the conflict is referred as an internal conflict then international
community can freely stay away from it considering that it is an internal issue of the State.
Besides this Republic of Armenia also violates International law by sending armed forces to the
territory of Nagorno Karabkh and this fact was mentioned in the “Charter of Paris for a new
Europe”, which was completed in 1990. In this charter it was recognized that “Armenia violates
the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan on the above mentioned reason(sending armed troops to
NKAO) and in terms of legality it could have been legal only in case if U.N. security council
had authorized it.(5) Though Armenia refuses from the fact that it is involved in the conflict, it
is well proven and as an example we can take the conclusion of Human Rights watch/ Helsinki.
“ As a matter of law, Armenian troops involvement in Azerbaijan makes
Armenia
a party to the conflict and makes the war an international armed conflict,
as
between the governments of Armenia and Azerbaijan.”(6)
Regarding the ways of peaceful, political solution of the conflict I would like to express
the following ideas. The fact which seemed to me worth drawing attention to the above
mentioned issue was that US, peace balancer in the whole world, had not gotten involved to the
peace talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan after the armistice was established and Minsk
Group of OSCE was assigned the leading role in these negotiations. Throughout the whole
period of its activity Minsk group of OSCE could not succeed in finding the peaceful solution
for the conflict. However it would have been unfair to say that they were not striving to bring
about peace. One of the plans proposed by OSCE was to retain NKAO within the territory of
Azerbaijan under the condition that NKAO would have been given the highest level of
autonomy ever known in the history of instate relations. But this proposal was denied by the
Armenian side. Despite the fact that the mission of mediator in this conflict was delegated to
OSCE United Nations Security Council also have passed several resolutions on this issue.(7)
These resolutions demanded cessation of hostilities and affirming the inviolability of the
internationally recognized borders and integrity of the Republic of Azerbaijan. The resolutions
condemn occupation of Azerbaijani lands but fail to state whom they condemn and point out
the actual aggressor. Armenia itself is represented as a neutral country in all resolutions of UN
and it becomes undoubtly from the 884 resolution of UN Security Council:
“Nothing with alarm the escalation in armed hostilities... Reaffirming
the territorial integrity of the Azerbaijan Republic and all other states
in
the region... and the inadmissibility of use of force for the acquisition
of
territory... Expressing grave concern at the latest displacements of a
large
number of civilians... and particularly condemns occupation of the
Zangilan
district of the Azerbaijan Republic; ...calls upon the government of
Armenia
to use its influence to achieve compliance by the Armenians of the
Karabakh
region of Azerbaijan Republic of the resolution 822, 853 and
874.”(8)
This passaged poses Armenia as a neutral part in the conflict whereas the supreme Soviet of
Armenia passed the resolution concerning integration of NKAO with the Republic of Armenia
in 1989 December 1. All excuses of the same content as the one pushed forward by Vahan
Papazyan(9), minister of foreign affairs of Republic of Armenia, that above mentioned
resolution was passed by the Armenian SSR but not the Republic of Armenia and that’s why is
obsolete, are groundless since the leadership of Republic of Armenia had to declare all those
decisions taken by the former state invalid in case if they were disagreed with them. No
statements on this issue were made by leadership of Republic of Armenia what allows us to
assume that they agree with those.
Now after signing so-called “Deal of Century”, oil contract between Azerbaijan and
International Oil Consortium where several huge American Oil Companies are represented
American presence in the Transcaucasus expanded and certain changes in the policy of the US
towards Azerbaijan are taking place. I believe that now, while Russia suffers from the
aftermaths of economic crisis and Azerbaijan regains the support of US government through
the latter’s involvement into the oil industry of Azerbaijan is the best time to influence Armenia
politically and consequently and get the conquered lands back in a peaceful manner..
I am sure that due to the policy pursued by the President of Azerbaijan Republic, Heydar Aliev,
all state’s leaders in the world will get a lucid picture of the conflict occurring in NKAO,
condemn occupation of the indigenous Azerbaijani territories and support Azerbaijan in its
efforts to get the conquered lands back.
References
(1) For an overview of the population distribution of
NKAo and Nakhichevan between 1959
and 1979, see
Alexander Bennigsen and S. Enders Wimbush, Muslims of the Soviet Empire.
London: Hurst & Co.,1985
(2)See Cullen, “ Areporter at large.”
(3) Armenian National Committee of America Press release,
March 31, 1994, as quoted in
Human Rights Watch/
Helsinki, Azerbaijan: Seven Years of Conflict in Nagorno Karabakh,
New York: Human Rights Watch, 1994.
(4) U.N. General Assembly, resolution 2625 adopted on October24, 1970.
(5) Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe,
Charter of Paris for a New Europe:
Paris,
1990.
(6) See human Rights Watch/ Helsinki, Azerbaijan: Seven
Years of Conflict in Nagorno
Karabakh.
(7) See U.N. Genral Assembly Resolution on “Emergency
International Assistance to Refugees
and IDP’s in
Azerbaijan”, November 19, 1993.
(8) U.N. Security Council, Resolution 884 of November 11th, 1993.
(9) Conference held by Vahan Papazyan at the Foreign
Policy Institute in Stockholm, in
February
1996
Bibliography
1 “The legal aspects of the Karabakh
Conflict”, Jeyhun Mollazadeh, Ph. D. President of US-
Azerbaijan Council. Azerbaijan International, winter
1993.
2 “Analysis of section 907 of the freedom Support Act”, Niyazi Mammedov, 1995-1996.
3 “ International Law on self-determination and Conflict
in Nagorno Karabkh”, Erjan
Kurbanov, University
of Maryland, USA.
Ethnopolitical Conflictsin
theTranscaucasus, 1997.
4 “The Karabakh Problem: Old stubbornness and new hopes”,
Nasib Nasibly, Ph. D.,
University of
Chicago.
5 “Assessing origins of the Karabakh Conflict”, Alan
Fogelquist, Ph.D.
Eurasia Research Center, Los
Angeles , December 1996.